This might seem like an odd question, so I will begin by explaining
why I think it is worth considering.
Psychological well-being was identified in a recent post on
this blog as one of five basic goods that a flourishing human would be expected
to have. The post listed a range of aspects involved in psychological
well-being: emotional stability, positive emotion, satisfaction with material
living standards, engagement in doing things for their own sake and learning
new things, perception of life as meaningful, a sense of accomplishment,
optimism, resilience, vitality, integrity, and self-respect.
It seems reasonable to expect that opportunities for
individuals to experience some of those aspects of psychological well-being
might be greater in some countries than in others.
In compiling my list of aspects of psychological well-being,
my starting point was the definition of psychological flourishing adopted by
Felicia Huppert and Timothy So in their article ‘Flourishing Across Europe’ (published
in Soc.Indic.Res. in 2013). These authors view psychological flourishing as
lying at the opposite end of a spectrum to depression and anxiety. They identified
10 symptoms of flourishing (competence, emotional stability, engagement,
meaning, optimism, positive emotion, positive relationships, resilience,
self-esteem, and vitality) as the opposites of internationally agreed criteria
for depression and anxiety (DSM and ICD). The study has previously been discussed on this blog.
My main modification to Huppert and So’s list is the
addition of satisfaction with material living standards. In my view, people who
feel miserable because they are dissatisfied with their material living
standards are deficient in psychological well-being, even though they may not be
suffering from the symptoms of depression or anxiety.
Despite my desire to modify the measure of psychological
flourishing constructed by Huppert and So, it strikes me as providing a good
basis for international comparison of psychological well-being. Unfortunately,
this measure is only available for European countries, and for one year, 2006.
That leads me to consider whether life satisfaction is a satisfactory
alternative measure.
Is life satisfaction good enough?
The chart shown above suggests that, at a national level at
least, the percentage of people who are satisfied “with how life has turned out
so far” (ratings of 9 or 10 on a scale of 0 to 10) is a good predictor of psychological
flourishing. In a simple linear regression, the percentage with high life
satisfaction explains 83% of the inter-country variation in the percentage who
are flourishing. (The chart was constructed using life satisfaction data from
the 2006 European Social Survey used by Huppert and So to construct their psychological
flourishing indicator.)
The idea that life satisfaction could a good enough measure
of psychological flourishing might appear to be at variance with the findings
of Huppert and So. As discussed in an earlier post, Huppert and So found that only 46.0% of people who met the criterion for
flourishing had high life satisfaction, and only 38.7% of people who had high
life satisfaction met the criterion for flourishing.
However, the appropriateness of life satisfaction as an
indicator of psychological flourishing depends on the purpose for which the
indicator is to be used. If you want to know about an individual’s
psychological well-being, it is hardly surprising that a single question about life
satisfaction has been found to be a poor indicator. If your focus is on average
psychological well-being at a national level, life satisfaction seems to be a
good enough indicator because much of the measurement error at an individual
level washes out in calculating national averages.
The countries with highest average life satisfaction
Average life satisfaction data from the Gallup World Poll is
published annually in the World Happiness Report. This data set covers many
countries and measures life satisfaction according to the Cantril ladder scale,
with a rating of 10 being given to the best possible life and a rating of zero
is given to the worst possible life.
In the 2018 survey, average life satisfaction ratings were
greater than 7 in 15 countries: Finland, Denmark, Switzerland, Netherlands, Norway,
Austria, Sweden, New Zealand, Luxembourg, United Kingdom, Australia, Canada,
Costa Rica, Germany and Czech Republic. Average ratings tend to be fairly
stable from year to year, but a decade earlier, Ireland, Spain, U.S, Israel,
Belgium and France had average ratings above 7, and U.K, Costa Rica and Germany
had ratings below 7.
Regression analysis undertaken by John Helliwell et. al.
show that almost three-quarters of the variation in national annual average life
satisfaction scores among countries can be explained by six variables: GDP per
capita, networks of social support, healthy life expectancy, freedom to make
life choices, generosity, and freedom from corruption. That list of variables
has a strong overlap with determinants of other basic goods in my list of the five basic goods that a flourishing human could be expected to have. (See other posts in
this series, here, here and here.) Apart from GDP per capita and healthy life
expectancy, however, the data used in the analysis of Helliwell et al are based
on perceptions of survey participants rather than objective measurement. (The
analysis is a pooled regression using 1704 national observations from the years
2005 to 2018.)
Since my focus is on identifying countries where a person
chosen at random would have the best opportunities, the median life
satisfaction for each country would be a better criterion than the mean.
Unfortunately, I don’t have access to such data at a national level. Estimates
of median life satisfaction for broad regions (based on data here) suggest that median life
satisfaction is typically lower than the mean. The difference between mean and
median tends to be small for countries with relatively high life satisfaction: Western
Europe (6.6 for mean cf. 6.4 for median) and North America and ANZ (7.1 cf.
6.9). The difference more substantial in some other parts of the world e.g.
South East Asia (5.4 cf. 4.8).
Avoiding and reducing misery
In considering which countries offer the best opportunities
for psychological well-being, countries with high average life satisfaction would
be less attractive to risk averse people (most humans) if a relatively high
proportion of the population of those countries nevertheless lived in misery. However, available
evidence suggests that factors that lead to high life satisfaction also tend to
reduce misery. For example, it is apparent from the graph below that the regions
of the world with highest average life satisfaction tend also to have the
lowest percentages with low life satisfaction.
A study by Andrew Clark et al for the World Happiness
Report 2017 used data for the U.S., Australia, Britain and Indonesia to
examine how much misery would be reduced if it was possible to eliminate one or
more key determinants. The factors considered were poverty, low education,
unemployment, living alone, physical illness, and depression and anxiety
disorders. The authors found that the most powerful impact would come from the
elimination of depression and anxiety disorders.
Conclusions
Life satisfaction is not a particularly good indicator of individual
psychological well-being, but it seems to be a good enough indicator to use in
international comparisons.
Countries with the highest average life satisfaction are
characterised by relatively high income levels and life expectancy, accompanied
by perceptions of strong social support, freedom and low corruption. The
percentage of the population who are dissatisfied with life tends to be
relatively low in such countries.
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